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The shaven-headed, tattooed, denim jacket-wearing west of Scotland loyalist was brutally honest about the dedication of, in his words, the "45-minute, each-way, twice-a-month loyalists at Ibrox" to the unionist cause.
The UDA veteran was bemoaning the fact that, when he and his colleagues turned up to protest outside Govan Town Hall against the presence of Gerry Adams in 1995 – the Sinn Fein president being an invited guest speaker by none other than the now anti-independence George Galloway – only about 40 local loyalists joined them.
Even though 45,000-plus Rangers fans sing Derry's Walls and The Sash on alternate Saturdays, the Scottish UDA stalwart was disgusted that not even a thousand of the Ibrox faithful could be bothered turning up for a real political battle against one of their-then mortal enemies.
His cynicism put into context the true importance of Northern Ireland for Scottish politics, which was rather nominal compared to the great issues of devolution, de-industrialisation, North Sea oil and a Labour/Left-inclined country dominated by Tory southern England.
It is worth recalling the disillusioned UDA man's frank and realistic assessment of how far down people's agendas the Ulster issue was – and still is – when considering the role of Northern Ireland-based unionist parties and institutions could have in the upcoming Scottish independence referendum.
Because, in reality, the last thing the No/pro-Union campaign needs in Scotland is for unionist politicians, Orangemen and Union flag-waving loyalists crossing the Irish Sea to oppose Alex Salmond's plans for an independent Scotland.
Unlike the Ulster variety, Scottish unionism doesn't need, or indeed want, to fly the Union flag 365 days per year, or even on 18 designated days.
As the Union flag has come to be associated with Rangers supporters and the Ulster loyalist cause in Scotland's central belt, pro-Union forces, ranging from the much-weakened Scottish Tories to Labour, the Liberal Democrats and various pressure groups, won't be waving the red, white and blue during their campaign to save the Union. Instead, their arguments will be rational, rather than emotional.
The pro-Union/No camp say Scotland and Britain are "better together", because of the UK-wide universal health service, the welfare state, a common currency that isn't in the crisis-stricken eurozone, a united foreign policy and a sense of economic certainty compared to the unchartered waters of a smaller, separatist state.
Their 'unionism' has more to do with the Queen on the back of a £1 coin than whether or not a flag can fly atop a council building every single day of the year.
Talking to the pro-Union Better Together campaign, you get the distinct impression that the last thing they want is for the Orange Order to be marching en masse through the streets of Glasgow, or Edinburgh, this year, headed up by the likes of Peter Robinson, or Mike Nesbitt, in support of a No vote.
Scottish unionists do not wish to have the pro-Union cause associated with one particular religion, or ethnic grouping, albeit that Protestantism is still the dominant faith throughout Scotland.